Counsellors of the Soldan

Him.” Then he went away, and all the young men with him; whereat I was greatly rejoiced, for I thought most certainly that they had come to cut off our heads. And it was not long afterwards that the Soldan’s people came and told us that the king had procured our deliverance.

After the aged man who had given us comfort, was gone away, the counsellors of the Soldan came back to us, and told us that the king had procured our deliverance, and that we must send four of our people to hear what he had done. We sent my Lord John of Valery, the right worthy man, my Lord Philip of Montfort, my Lord Baldwin of Ibelin, Senes chalk of Cyprus, and my Lord Guy of Ibelin, Constable of Cyprus, one of the most accomplished knights I have ever seen, and one who most loved the people of that land. These four brought back to us word after what manner the king had procured our deliverance.

ST. LEWIS THREATENED WITH TORTURE HE NEGOTIATES WITH THE SARACENS

The counsellors of the Soldan had tried the king in the same manner that they had tried us, in order to see if the kins: would promise to deliver over to them any of the castles of the Temple or the Hospital, or any of the castles belonging to the barons of the land; and, as God so willed, the king had answered after the very same manner that we had answered. And they threatened him, and told him that as he would not do as they wished, they would cause him to be put in the bertiicles. Now the bernicles are the most cruel torture that any one can suffer.

They are made of two pieces of wood, pliable, and notched at the ends with teeth that enter the one into the other; and the pieces of wood are bound together at the end with strong straps of ox-hide; and when they want to set people therein, they lay them on their side, and put their legs between the teeth; and then they cause a man to sit on the pieces of wood. Hence it happens that, not half a foot of bone remains uncrushed, And to do the worst they can, at the end of three days, when the legs are swollen, they replace the swollen legs in the bernicles, and crush them all once more. To these threats the Icing replied that he was their prisoner, and that they could do with him according to their will.

The Soldan of Babylon

The Soldan of Babylon expected that the king would arrive in Egypt in spring, and bethought himself that he would, ere the spring, overthrow the Soldan of Emessa, who was his mortal enemy, and he went and besieged him in the ritzy of Emessa. The Soldan of Emessa saw no way of severance from the Soldan of Babylon, for he perceived that f the latter lived long enough, he would overthrow him. Therefore he bargained in such sort with the ferrais of the Soldan of Babylon that the Ferrais poisoned him.

And the manner in which he poisoned him was this: The errais was aware that the Soldan came every day, after inner, to play chess on the mats that were at the foot of his jed; and the mat on which he knew that the Soldan sat very day he put poison thereon. Now it happened that :he Soldan, who was unshod, turned himself about upon  that was on his leg. Immediately the poison struck into the open sore, and took away all power from the half of :he body into which it had entered; and every time that the roison impinged upon his heart, the Soldan remained for .ome two days unable to drink, or eat, or speak. So they lift the Soldan of Emessa in peace; and the people of the Soldan of Babylon carried him back into Egypt.

THE HOST I,EAVES CYPRUS 1249

As soon as we entered into the month of March, by the king’s command the king, the barons, and the other pilgrims ordered that the ships should be re-laden with wine and pro visions, so as to be ready to move when the king directed. And when the king saw that all had been duly ordered, the king and queen embarked on their ships on the Friday before Pentecost (21st May 1249), and the king told his barons to follow in their ships straight to Egypt. On the Saturday the king set sail and all the others besides, which was a fair thing to look upon, for it seemed as if all the sea, so far as the eye could reach, were covered with the canvas of the ships’ sails ; and the number of the ships, great and small, was reckoned at eighteen hundred customised private istanbul tour.

Point of Limassol

The king anchored at the head of a hillock which is called the Point of Limassol, and all the other vessels anchored round about him. The king landed on the day of Pentecost. After we had heard mass a fierce and powerful wind, coming from the Egyptian side, arose in such sort that out of two thousand eight hundred knights, whom the king was taking into Egypt, there remained no more than seven hundred whom the wind had not separated from the king’s company and carried away to Acre and other strange lands; nor did they afterwards return to the king of a long while.

The day after Pentecost the wind had fallen. The king and such of us as had, according to God’s will, remained with him, set sail forthwith, and met the Prince of Morea, and the Duke of Burgundy, who had been sojourning in Morea. On the Thursday after Pentecost the king arrived before Damietta, and we found there, arrayed on the seashore, all the power of the Soldan a host fair to look upon, for the Soldan’s arms are of gold, and when the sun struck upon them they were resplendent. The noise they made with their cymbals and horns was fearful to listen to.

The king summoned his barons to take counsel what they should do. Many advised that he should wait till his people returned, seeing that no more than a third part had remained with him; but to this he would by no means agree. The reason he gave was, that to delay would put the foe in good heart, and, particularly, he said that there was no port before Damietta in which he could wait for his people, and that, therefore, any strong wind arising might drive the shore to other lands, like as the ships had been driven on the und of Pentecost.

King of Wallachia and Bulgaria

Johannizza, the King of Wallachia and Bulgaria, who had sojourned long in Roumania, and wasted the country during the whole of Lent, and for a good while after Easter (and April 1206), now retired towards Adrianople and Demotica, and had it in mind to deal with those cities as he had dealt with the other cities of the land. And when the Greeks who were with him saw that he turned towards Adrianople, they began to steal away, both by day and by night, some twenty, thirty, forty, a hundred, at a time.

When he came to Adrianople, he required of those that were within that they should let him enter, as he had entered elsewhere. But they said they would not, and spoke thus: “ Sire, when we surrendered to thee, and rebelled against the ranks, thou didst swear to protect us in all good faith, and o keep us in safety. Thou hast not done so, but hast utterly uined Roumania; and we know full well that thou wilt do into us as thou hast done unto others.” And when Johanlizza heard this, he laid siege to Demotica, and erected round 11 sixteen large petraries, and began to construct engines of wery kind for the siege, and to waste all the country round.

Then did those in Adrianople and Demotica take mesa engers, and send them to Constantinople, to Henry, the legent of the empire, and to Vernas, and prayed them, for jod’s sake, to rescue Demotica, which was being besieged. And when those at Constantinople heard these tidings, they lecided to succour Demotica. But some there were who did lot dare to advise that our people should issue from Con- .tantinople, and so place in jeopardy the few Christian folk hat remained. Nevertheless, in the end, as you have heard, t was decided to issue forth, and move on Salymbria.

The cardinal, who was there as legate on the part of the Pope of Rome, preached thereon to the people, and promised i full indulgence to all such as should go forth, and lose their ives on the way. So Henry issued from Constantinople vith as many men as he could collect, and marched to the  of Salymbria; and he encamped before the city for full light days. And from day to day came messengers from Adrianople praying him to have mercy upon them, and come to their relief, for if he did not come to their relief, they were out lost. . , V

THE CRUSADERS MARCH TO THE RELIEF OF DEMOTICA

Then did Henry take council with his barons, and their decision was that they would go to the city of Bizye, which was a fair city, and strong. So they did as they had devised, and came to Bizye, and encamped before the city on the eve of the feast of our Lord St. John the Baptist, in June (23rd June 1206). And on the day that they so encamped came messengers from Adrianople, and said to Henry, the brother of the Emperor Baldwin: “ Sire, be it known to thee that if thou dost not relieve the city of Demotica, it cannot hold out more than eight days, for Johannizza’s petraries have breached the walls in four places, and his men have twice got on to the walls.”

Then he asked for counsel as to what he should do. Many were the words spoken, to and fro; but in the end they said: “ Lord, we have come so far that we shall be for ever shamed if we do not succour Demotion. L&t.every man now confess and receive the communion; and then let us set our forces in array .” And it was reckoned that they had with them about four hundred knights, and of a certainty no more. So they summoned the messengers who had come from Adrianople, and asked them how matters stood, and what number of men Johannizza had with him. And the messengers answered that he had with him at least forty thousand men-at-arms, not reckoning those on foot, of whom they had no count guided istanbul tour.

Ah God! what a perilous battle so few against so many I In the morning, on the day of the feast of our Lord St. John the Baptist, all confessed and received the communion, and on the following day they marched forward. The van was commanded by Geoffry, the Marshal of Roumania and Champagne, and with him was Macaire of Sainte-Menehould. The second division was under Conon of Bethune and Miles the Brabant; the third under Payen of Orleans and Peter of Bracieux; the fourth was under Anseau of Cayeux; the fifth under Baldwin of Beauvoir; the sixth under Hugh of Beaumetz; the seventh under Henry, brother of the Emperor Baldwin; the eighth, with the Flemings, under Walter of Escomai; Thierri of Loos, who was seneschal, commanded the rear-guard.

So they, rode for three days, all in order; nor did any host ever advance seeking battle so perilously. For they were in peril on two accounts; first because they were so few, and those they were about to attack so many; and secondly, because they did not believe the Greeks, with whom they had just made peace, would help them heartily. For they stood in fear lest, when need arose, the Greeks would go over to Johannizza, who, as you have already heard, had been so near to taking Demotica.

Turkey and the Isle of Greece

Boniface the Marquis of Montferrat called upon him to carry out the covenant made, and give him, as he was bound to do, the land on the other side of the straits towards Turkey and the Isle of Greece. And the emperor acknew ledged that he was bound so to do, and said he would do it right willingly. And when the Marquis of Montferrat saw that the emperor was willing to carry out this covenant so debonairly, he besought him. in exchange for this land, to bestow upon him the kingdom of Salonika, because it lay near the land of the King of Hungary, whose sister he had taken to wife.

Much was this matter debated in various ways; but in the end the emperor granted the land of Salonika to the marquis, and the marquis did homage therefor. And at this there was much joy throughout the host, because the marquis was one of the knights most highly prized in all the world, and one whom the knights most loved, inasmuch as no one dealt with them more liberally than he. Thus the marquis remained in the land, as you have heard.

BALDWIN MARCHES AGAINST MOURZUPHLES

The Emperor Mourzuphles had not yet removed more than four days’ journey from Constantinople; and he had taken with him the empress who had been the wife of the Emperor Alexius, who aforetime had tied, and his daughter. This Emperor Alexius was in a city called Messinople, with all his people, and still held a great part of tiie land. And at that time the men 01 note in Greece departed, and a large number passed over the straits towards Turkey; and each or for his own advantage, made himself master of such lands as he could lay hands upon; and the same thing happened also throughout the other parts of the empire.

The Emperor Mourzuphles made no long tarrying before he took a city which had surrendered to my lord the Emperor Baldwin, a city called Tchorlu. So he took it and sacked it, and seized whatever he found there. When the news thereol came to the Emperor Baldwin, he took counsel with the barons, and with the Doge of Venice, and they agreed to this, that he should issue forth, with all his host, to make con quest of the land, and leave a garrison in Constantinople to keep it sure, seeing that the city had been newly taken and was peopled with the Greeks.

THE FORAGERS DEFEAT THE GREEKS

During this time, a company of good and trustworthy men issued (from the camp) to guard the host, for fear it should be attacked, and the foragers searched the country. In the said company were Odo of Champlitte, of Champagne, and William his brother, and Oger of Saint-Cheron, and Manasses of l’lsle, and Count Girard, a count of Lombardy, a retainer of the Marquis of Montferrat; and they had with them at least eighty knights who were good men and true.

And they espied, at the foot of a mountain, some three leagues distant from the host, certain tents belonging to the Grand Duke of the Emperor of Constantinople, who had with him at least five hundred Greek knights. When our people saw them, they formed their men into four battalions, and decided to attack. And when the Greeks saw this, they formed their battalions, and arrayed themselves in rank ‘ before their tents, and waited. And our people went for ward and fell upon them right vigorously.

By the help of God our Lord, this fight lasted but a little while, and the Greeks turned their backs. They were discomfited at the first onset, and our people pursued them for a full great league. There they won plenty of horses and stallions, and palfreys, and mules, and tents and pavilions, and such spoil as is usual in such case. So they returned to the host, where they were right well received, and their spoils were divided, as was fit.

MESSAGE OF THE EMPEROR ALEXIUS REPLY OF THE CRUSADERS

The next da}” after, the Emperor Alexius sent an envoy with letters to the counts and to the barons. This envoy was called Nicholas Roux, and he was a native of Lombardy. He found the barons in the rich palace of Scutari, where they were holding council, and he saluted them on the part of the Emperor Alexius of Constantinople, and tendered his letters to the Marquis of Montferrat who received them. And the letters were read before all the barons; and there were in them words, written after various manners, which the book does not (here) relate, and at the end of the other words so written, came words of credit, accrediting the bearer of the letters, whose name was Nicholas Roux.

No surprises of plot

Does saying this in a few words truly give away the plot of a book that had no surprises of plot? Hardly, but the magic of the book—and I must admit that it has magic—is in the patient, elaborate, luxuriant practice of meditative reflection on the difficult and holy words, rarely more than a few at a time. The work may strike some readers as bizarre, but it is serious and even artful, and it has the power to move many. Job on his dung heap is Christ accepting incarnate life and its ills; Job’s four sons represent the classical cardinal virtues of justice, wisdom, fortitude, and temperance; and his three daughters stand for the theological virtues of faith, hope, and charity. The book can be read as a mechanical parlor game, but its function is to give rise to a loosely connected series of meditations on the Christian life. The wide readership and influence of the Moralia indicate that it evidently did what it needed to for its church.

Rome around him

We cannot follow Gregory this way without remembering that the book of Job is a book that appeals especially to self-absorption and selfpity. Back in Rome, we saw Gregory regularly lamenting the fall of Rome around him, and though he never quite made himself out to be Job in so many words, the link is unmistakable. On the last pages of the Moralia, he comes as close as he ever does to telling us a version of his own story— what we might call his confessions. There we capture behind the rhetoric some flavor of what it felt like to be wise, holy, and saved; to be unsure and anxious at the same time; and still to be Roman as well.

Now that I have finished this work, I see that I must return to myself.

For our mind is much fragmented and scattered beyond itself, even when it tries to speak rightly. While we think of words and how to bring them out, those very words diminish the soul’s integrity by plundering it from inside. So I must return from the forum of speech to the senate house of the heart, to call together the thoughts of the mind for a kind of council to deliberate how best I may watch over myself, to see to it that in my heart I speak no heedless evil nor speak poorly any good. . . . For when I turn inward to myself, pushing aside the leafy verbiage, pushing aside the branching arguments, and examine my intentions down at the very root, I know it really was my intention to please God, but some little appetite for the praise of men crept in, I know not how, and intruded on my simple desire to please God. And when later, too much later, I recognize this, I find that I have in fact done something different from what I know I set out to do.